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(The Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the
Forty-Eighth Anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising Day, 10 March
2007)
On the occasion of the forty-eighth anniversary of the Tibetan people's
peaceful uprising in Lhasa in 1959, I offer my prayers and tribute to all
those Tibetans who have suffered and sacrificed their lives for the cause
of the Tibetan people. I also express my solidarity with those who are
presently suffering repression and imprisonment.
In 2006, we witnessed both positive and negative changes in the
People's Republic of China. On the one hand, the hard-line position was
intensified with a campaign of vilification against us, and more
disquietingly, heightened political restriction and repression in Tibet.
On the other hand, in China itself, we saw some improvement with regard to
the freedom of expression. In particular, there is a growing feeling among
Chinese intellectuals that material development alone is not sufficient
and that there is a need to create a more meaningful society based on
spiritual values. Views that the present system is inadequate to create
such a society are gaining ground, as a result of which belief in religion
in general, and particularly interest in Tibetan Buddhism and culture is
growing. Moreover, there are many who express their wish that I make a
pilgrimage to China and give teachings there.
President Hu Jintao's continued call for a harmonious society is
laudable. The basis for the realization of such a society is to foster
trust among the people, which can take place when there is freedom of
expression, truth, justice and equality. Therefore, it is important that
officials at all levels not only take heed, but also implement these
principles.
With regard to our relations with China, since around 1974, realizing
the inevitability of an opportunity to engage some day in dialogue with
China, we have made preparations to achieve genuine, unified autonomy for
all Tibetans, as enshrined in the Chinese constitution. In 1979, China's
paramount leader Deng Xiaoping proposed that except for independence, all
other issues regarding Tibet could be resolved through negotiations. As
this was in accord with our thinking, we adopted a mutually-beneficial
Middle-Way policy. Since then, for twenty-eight years, we have
consistently and sincerely pursued this policy, which was formulated as a
result of thorough discussion and analysis, based on the broad objectives
of addressing the immediate and long-term interests of both Tibetans and
Chinese, peaceful co-existence in Asia and protection of the environment.
This policy has been endorsed and supported by many pragmatic Tibetans in
and outside Tibet and by many countries.
The most important reason behind my proposal to have genuine national
regional autonomy for all Tibetans is to achieve genuine equality and
unity between the Tibetans and Chinese by eliminating big Han chauvinism
and local nationalism. This will contribute to the country's stability
through mutual help, trust and friendship between the two nationalities
and to the maintenance of our rich culture and language based on a proper
balance between spiritual and material development for the benefit of the
whole of humanity.
It is true that the Chinese constitution guarantees national regional
autonomy to minority nationalities. The problem is that it is not
implemented fully, and thus fails to serve its express purpose of
preserving and protecting the distinct identity, culture and language of
the minority nationalities. What happens on the ground is that large
populations from the majority nationalities have spread in these minority
regions. Therefore, the minority nationalities, instead of being able to
preserve their own identity, culture and language, have no choice but to
depend on the language and customs of the majority nationality in their
day-to-day lives. Consequently, there is a danger of the languages and
rich traditions of the minority nationalities becoming gradually extinct.
There is nothing wrong with infrastructural development such as railway
in itself. However, it is a source of deep concern that ever since the
railway line became operational, Tibet has seen a further increase in
Chinese population transfer, deterioration of its environment, misuse and
pollution of its water, and exploitation of its natural resources, all
causing huge devastation to the land and all those who inhabit it.
Although there has been a certain number of educated and capable
communist party members among the people of minority nationalities, it is
unfortunate that very few of them have attained leadership positions at
the national level and some of them have even been given different labels
such as separatists.
In order to provide real benefits for both the majority and minority
nationalities as well as the central and local governments, a meaningful
autonomy should be put into place. Since this particular autonomy is for
the minority nationalities, the demand for a single administration of the
Tibetan nationality is sincere, just and transparent. It is clear to the
world that we have no hidden agenda. As such it is the sacred duty of all
Tibetans to continue our struggle towards fulfilling this reasonable
demand. No matter how long it takes, our courage and determination shall
remain unchanged until we fulfill our aspirations. The struggle of the
Tibetan people is not about the struggle for the status of a few Tibetan
individuals; it is the struggle of a people. We have already transformed
the exile Tibetan administration and community into a genuine democratic
system, with a succession of leaders elected for the people by the people
themselves. We have thus set up a deeply-rooted, vibrant social and
political institution that will carry forward our struggle from generation
to generation. In the end, the ultimate decisions will be made
democratically by the people themselves.
Since the resumption of direct contacts between the Tibetans and
Chinese in 2002, my representatives have conducted five rounds of
comprehensive discussion with concerned officials of the People's Republic
of China. In these discussions, both sides were able to express in clear
terms the suspicions, doubts and real difficulties that exist between the
two sides. These rounds of discussion have thus helped in creating a
channel of communication between the two sides. The Tibetan delegation
stands ready to continue the dialogue anytime, anywhere. The Kashag will
provide the details in its statement.
I greet all those Tibetans in Tibet--communist party members, leaders,
officials, professionals and others--who have held on to the Tibetan
spirit by continuing their efforts to work for the genuine interest of the
Tibetan people. I express my deep admiration for their immense courage to
do whatever they can in the service of the people of Tibet. I also express
my deep admiration to the Tibetans in Tibet who, against all odds, have
made efforts to preserve the Tibetan identity, culture and language, and
for their steadfast courage and determination in realizing the aspirations
of Tibetan people. I am confident that they will continue to strive for
our common cause, with renewed dedication and commitment. I urge all
Tibetans in and outside Tibet to work unitedly for a secure future based
on equality and harmony of nationalities.
I would like to take this opportunity to whole-heartedly thank the
people and Government of India for their unwavering and unparalleled
generosity and support to us. I also express my gratitude to all those
governments and people in the international community for their concern
and support to the Tibetan issue.
With my prayers for the peace and wellbeing of all sentient beings.
The Dalai Lama
10 March 2007
N.B. Translated from the Tibetan
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